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Ruth Rubio-Mar n using .net tobuild data matrix barcode with web,windows application GTIN - 128 the overall muni cence of rep ECC200 for .NET arations programs, as this could compromise their viability.69 The most obvious way of doing so would be to treat the bene t, if it is material in nature, as an asset that both spouses have earned in their marital life and distribute it accordingly.

If reparations are service based, family members should also be recognized as independent bene ciaries, especially as regards health services.70 If, on the other hand, the reparation is mostly symbolic, it is important to make sure it recognizes the speci c forms of suffering of both spouses instead of falling into the trap of reproducing only male notions of heroic virtues and sacri ce. Beyond this, and to the extent that reparations programs try to be sensitive to the ways violence harms the family and its members, there is a broader question regarding the concept of family embraced in reparations programs and whether or not it corresponds to the actual systems of support in different societies and to the way such systems adapt to the needs that present themselves in times of con ict.

Polygamous unions, de facto unions, same-sex unions, but also more extensive culturally contingent support mechanisms should be adequately represented so as to re ect the real web of dependencies and hence the harms entailed by their disruption. Reparations programs in South Africa, Peru, and Guatemala have all at least made some steps forward in this direction.71 On the basis of a concern for gender justice, one should also assess to what extent, on what grounds, and for what purpose the order of access of family members to reparations bene ts reproduces or departs from that de ned in.

Muni cence is the term used by de Greiff to refer to the magnitude of the reparations bene ts distributed to individuals. See de Greiff, Introduction, in The Handbook, 12. The TRC in Sierra Leone has actually recommended including family members of surviving victims among the potential recipients of medical services, including physical healthcare and psychological support.

See King, Gender and Reparations in Sierra Leone, 262 263. The Regulations Regarding Reparations to Victims in South Africa, by de ning spouse for the purpose of reparations as the person married to an identi ed victim under any law, custom or belief, allow taking into account religious and customary marriages and hence embrace the wide plurality of marital forms that exist in South Africa. It is, however, unfortunate that domestic partners and same-sex partners were not included, which meant that the embraced conception of family still failed to fully re ect the lived reality in the country (see Goldblatt, Evaluating the Gender Contents of Reparations, 66 and 68).

The Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission also recommended that the notion of family be interpreted as broader than the strictly nuclear family so as to re ect the variety of actual family dependency ties under the different customs and traditions of the Peruvian population (see Guillerot, Linking Gender and Reparations in Peru, 154 155). Similarly, the reparations program in Guatemala embraces a large de nition of family as including the spouse or couple living in common-law marriage and simpli es the ordinary procedures to prove the existence of such family arrangements, but no criteria have been thus far established to decide the order of priority in those cases where a missing person was in more than one union (see Paz y Paz Bailey, Guatemala: Gender and Reparations, 108 109)..

The Gender of Reparations in Transitional Societies the country s inheritance sys tem. For one thing, reproducing the inheritance paradigm to allocate reparations bene ts may imply reproducing whatever gender bias and capture such a paradigm contains. Moreover, there are deeper and gendered questions about the logic of embracing such a paradigm to designate bene ciaries in the case of death or disappearance of the victim.

The inheritance paradigm is one that logically assumes death as a natural end station in life, which means as an event that normally takes place when the previous generation is already gone and the next is self-suf cient. However, the deaths that result from political violence do not t this paradigm, as, for the most part, they either take place randomly or target the most politically active sector of the population, among which the relatively young are usually overrepresented. This means that for widows of political violence the analogy to standard widowhood may be inadequate to capture the particular forms of harms linked to the premature and politically charged loss of their spouses.

Being a young widow is quite different from being an older one, as a young widow is more likely to have dependants and a legitimate and prematurely frustrated aspiration to have a long-lasting marital life. Analogous considerations apply to the possible implications of reproducing/departing from the inheritance paradigm to repair the parents of the victims who will normally be left economically vulnerable but also with the awful emotional distress generated by the premature and violent deaths of their children. Some reparations programs, such as those in Peru and Guatemala, have indeed acknowledged this by including the parents of the victims among the bene ciaries, even if they would not be included in the standard inheritance model, at least not to the same degree.

72 However, how to do this in a way that is also sensitive to the emotional and past and prospective material harms endured by widows, who in most cases are primarily in charge of the household, is a challenging dilemma. Beyond harming individuals and families, violence typically disrupts entire communities and does so in a way that is likely to have a differential impact on men and women. In charge of reproducing the community s social tissue, providing for its daily existence, and building its support networks, women seem to suffer most when communal resources, infrastructure, and trust are.

In deciding on the order of a DataMatrix for .NET ccess to bene ts by family members in the case of death or disappearance of direct victims, the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a priority order that departed from Peru s ordinary succession order so as to re ect the pain and the efforts of mothers who had been ghting for truth and justice around their children s destiny for many years (see Guillerot, Linking Gender and Reparations in Peru, 154). Similarly, Guatemala s reparations program also broadened the de nition of inheritors contained in the national legislation in order to include ascendants (see Paz y Paz Bailey, Guatemala: Gender and Reparations, 108).

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