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Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe in .NET Drawer code128b in .NET Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe




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Dictionaries in Early Modern Europe use none none integration tointegrate none in none C# 1550s to the none for none melancholy and aggressiveness of the 1590s. Pre-eminent above all the other prefaces of Henri Estienne s editions is that of the Poetae graeci principes, and pre-eminent above all the others of any kind is that of the Thesaurus graecae linguae. In both books, Henri Estienne was gathering the wonderful fragments of the heritage that had been transmitted from classical Greece to sixteenth-century France, and he prefaced both by explaining how that heritage had become part of him, esh of his esh, so that his great dictionary had from its prelims onwards something of the qualities both of an intellectual autobiography and of a love-letter to the distant past.

In the Thesaurus latinae linguae and the Thesaurus graecae linguae, the lexicography of the classical languages reached a height of achievement that would not be surpassed in the early modern period. But as the sixteenth century progressed, so did the means for the telling of stories of a different kind, those of the medieval linguistic heritages of the emerging nations of early modern Europe. The earliest forms or cognates of the European vernaculars languages such as Old French, Old High German, Gothic and Old English could not be registered with the same lexicographical techniques as the classical languages.

Their texts were not as readily accessible, and they were not as well edited: indeed, the people who studied them encountered a circular problem, for the making of dictionaries depends on the availability of edited texts, and the editing of texts in obsolete language varieties depends on the availability of dictionaries. The early history of the lexicography of these language varieties therefore looks like an anticlimax after that of the great ordered registrations of the classical lexical heritages: a wordlist here, a glossary to a handful of freshly and imperfectly edited law-codes there, a few manuscript pages of onomastical notes, a series of dictionary projects that did not reach publication. But these lexicographical essays show a marked forward impetus.

One reason for this is that they coexisted, and to some extent interplayed, with the emerging lexicographical record of the standardizing languages of sixteenth-century Europe. So, while the rst wordlists of early Germanic language varieties were being put together, a series of dictionaries of modern Dutch was being produced in the Plantin of cina in Antwerp, notably by one of the most senior employees of the house, Cornelis Kiel, as skilful a manager of information as Robert Estienne, and a pioneer in the comparative etymological use of material from different varieties of Dutch and Low German. He and the Antwerp antiquary Goropius Becanus must have crossed paths as Goropius tried to understand the.

Conclusion relationship none none between Dutch and the most ancient imaginable language. During their lifetimes, another Dutch-speaker, the diplomat Ogier van Busbecq, was interviewing one of the last speakers of Crimean Gothic in Constantinople and re ecting on the support which the Gothic language gave to one dialect of Dutch as opposed to another. More or less simultaneously, other Dutch-speakers were coming to grips with the thousand-year-old record of written Gothic in the Codex Argenteus.

From Antwerp to Constantinople, the same story was being told in all these different lexicographical and lexicological projects: that of the language of the fatherland, the language inherited from the fathers. Nor was this a story told only by Dutch-speakers. The manuscript hunting that led to the rediscovery of the Gothic of the Codex Argenteus was also being initiated in Germany by the generation of Aventinus and Celtis and in England by the generation of Leland.

The ancient book was a monument of cultural heritage, but one whose stones could be reassembled into the edi ce of a dictionary, and this process can be seen particularly clearly in the developing lexicographical record of Old English, from Leland to Nowell, from Nowell to Joscelyn, from Joscelyn via D Ewes to Somner. The collection of manuscripts in private libraries made them not only cultural treasures but personal property, and from Erasmus onwards this privatization of heritage became a signi cant factor in lexicography. Spoken language itself was coming to be seen as an embodiment of cultural heritage as well: like Busbecq in Constantinople, lexicographers such as Nowell in England were listening to living language varieties and thinking hard about their relationship with the past.

And the personal experience of listening was another way to make the recovery of the language of the fatherland an engagement with language as a personal inheritance as well as a cultural one. Nowell could draw on his knowledge of Lancashire; Anglo-Dutch lexicographers of Old English such as de Laet and Franciscus Junius could draw on their sense of the double personal heritage of the bilingual speaker as they thought about the shared origins of English and Dutch. Lexicography might be strongly allied with local studies, and dictionaries such as those of Dugdale and Somner were the work of distinguished local historians, rmly grounded in Warwickshire and Canterbury respectively, interested in the personal experience of place as well as in a wider cultural history.

The presence of lexicographical raw material in the charters that recorded Anglo-Saxon landholding and in the inscriptions of the rune-stones which were such a striking feature of some Scandinavian landscapes strengthened this af nity, and indeed the use of runes to write early Scandinavian forms in.
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